Marriage patterns among immigrants in Norway

Who do immigrants in Norway marry?

Published:

Marriage patterns show that Norway is becoming an increasingly diverse society, and that there are clear connections between marriage and migration. Every year, more marriages are contracted between one person without an immigrant background and an immigrant, than between two persons with immigrant backgrounds. There are also differences among different groups of immigrants.


In this paper, we will take a close look at marriage patterns among the immigrant population in Norway. This is a topic that has a great focus in today’s debate. The discussions are connected to the suggestions for a new law on immigration (NOU 2004), the ability to support spouses financially, and to putting a certain age limit on couples when entering into marriages across borders (so called trans-national marriages). The discussions are also actualised by the fact that a lot of immigrants marry persons with the same background as themselves, and that one of the partners is non-resident when they marry (Storhaug 2003, HRS 2005 and 2006). It is argued that this pattern will be negative for the integration of the different groups. Furthermore, the discussion also touches on the distinctions of love-marriages, arranged marriages and marriages by force (for instance: Raja 2005, Wikan 2005 and Bredal 2006). This paper does not go into these discussions in depth, but draws a broad picture of marriage patterns among some of the largest non-western groups of immigrants in Norway.

Source of statistical data

This paper is prepared on data based on the System of Population Registration within Statistics Norway. This is also the source for statistics of marriages. This paper is based on a forthcoming report called “Love without limits? Marriage patterns and family-related immigration in contemporary Norway” (translated title), which has been supported by the Ministry of Labour and Social Inclusion (Daugstad, forthcoming). Other sources are Lie 2004a, b and c, and østby 2004.

 

In this paper, we define immigrant population as persons with two foreign-born parents: this involves both first - generation immigrants and their immediate descendants (born in Norway by two foreign-born parents).

 

Country background = own or, alternatively, parents' country of birth. Persons who do not have an immigrant background only have Norway as country background. Non - western countries = Asia including Turkey, Africa, South and Central America and East Europe.

 

In this paper, we refer to persons not included in the immigrant population as persons without immigrant background or Norwegian.

An increasing number of marriages involve immigrants

An increasing number of marriages registered in Norway involve one or two persons with immigrant backgrounds. In 2004, a total of 24,000 marriages were entered into where either the man or the woman was registered as living in Norway. About 7 out of 10 of the marriages were contracted between two persons without immigrant backgrounds, while 3 out of 10 marriages involve one or two persons with immigrant backgrounds. A total of 13.5 per cent of the marriages were contracted between a man without an immigrant background and a woman with an immigrant background, and 7 per cent of the marriages were contracted between a woman without an immigrant background and a man with an immigrant background. A total of 2,600 marriages involved two immigrants, or 11 per cent of all marriages in 2004 (figure 1).

Marriages by the partners’ immigrant background. 2004. Per cent

If we compare this with marriages contracted in 1990, we find some differences. In 1990, a total of 21,900 marriages were contracted in Norway, slightly less than in 2004. Eighty-four per cent of these marriages involved two persons without an immigrant background, while 6 per cent were men without an immigrant background who married women with an immigrant background, and about the same number of women without an immigrant background married men with an immigrant background. Four per cent of the marriages contracted in 1990 involved two immigrants (Lie 2004a). There has also been an increasing number of marriages involving one or two persons with an immigrant background. And while there has been a large growth in marriages between Norwegian men and immigrant women, there has not been the same growth in marriages involving a Norwegian woman and a man with an immigrant background (figure 2).

Marriages by the partners’ immigrant background. 1990-2004. Absolute figures

We must bear in mind that there is not the same pattern of coupling in the whole population. If we only look at the marriages we do not get the broad picture of the actual coupling. In 2005, about half of the mothers who had their first-born child were living in a common law marriage. Living together without being married is much more common among persons without an immigrant background and immigrants from the Nordic countries, than between immigrants from non-western countries (Lie 2004a). This is probably due to cultural and religious preferences, but it can also be related to the rules for being allowed to stay in Norway in the cases where one of the spouses is not already living in Norway prior to the marriage. Unfortunately, we do not have sources allowing us to compare common law marriage (cohabitants) in the immigrant population and in the rest of the population (see Daugstad, forthcoming).

Western immigrants marry persons without immigrant backgrounds

The marriage patterns among western and non-western immigrants are quite different. While a minority of non-western immigrants marry a person without an immigrant background, a clear majority of the western immigrants find a spouse with a Norwegian background. Quite a few also live with their partner without being married. A total of 69 per cent of western men married a Norwegian in 2004, and 77 per cent of western women did the same.

If we take a closer look at marriages for persons with different country backgrounds, we will find that there are large differences between the different groups and between men and women (figure 3). Persons with a Norwegian background tend to find spouses with the same background as themselves. Out of the Norwegian men and women who married in 2004, 84 and 91 per cent respectively had endogamic (a Norwegian person) marriages. Among men and women with backgrounds from the USA, approximately 4 out of 5 married a Norwegian person. From the other western countries, there was a higher rate of women than men who married a Norwegian, except British men who to a somewhat greater extent than British women married a Norwegian.


Endogamy and exogamy

The two words describe groups of kin tendency to marry within (endogamy) or out of (exogamy) their own group of kin (Hylland Eriksen 1993:100). In this paper, the two words will describe immigrant groups’ tendencies to marry persons with the same country background as themselves (endogamic), and groups’ tendencies to marry persons with a different country background to themselves (exogamic).

Endogamic marriages among many non-western immigrants

Women with backgrounds from Thailand, Philippines and Russia married a man with a Norwegian background to the same extent as western women. A total of 91, 87 and 86 per cent respectively of those married in 2004, married a man without an immigrant background. Men from the same countries married Norwegian women to a far lesser extent (figure 3).

For other non-western immigrants, more men than women married a person without immigrant background. Four out of 10 men with a Turkish background and 3 out of 10 men with a Moroccan background married Norwegian women in 2004. Ten and 17 per cent of women with the same background respectively did the same. Two out of 10 men with backgrounds from Iraq did the same, while only 3 per cent of women with the same background did the same.

Marriages by country background and gender. Percentage that entered into a marriage with a person without an immigrant background. 2004

There are smaller differences between the genders among persons with backgrounds from India and Iran, where 2 out of 10 men and women found a spouse without an immigrant background. From other groups, there are few who marry a Norwegian. A very small percentage of both men and women with backgrounds from Pakistan, Somalia and Sri Lanka married a Norwegian person in 2004. Additionally, among Vietnamese men, only 1 per cent married a Norwegian. The percentage who found a Norwegian partner without an immigrant background was much higher among Vietnamese women (23 per cent).

Many non-western immigrants are involved in a trans-national marriage

We will now look more closely at marriages contracted between 1996 and 2004 for some non-western immigrants (table 1). We will see that there are some differences in marriage patterns, and that more men than women have married during these nine years, with a few exceptions. The number that find spouses in Norway with the same country background as themselves already living in Norway, has to be seen in preferences of spouse and potential unmarried persons with the same background as themselves. If there are not many unmarried persons with the same country background as themselves living in Norway, it can be difficult to find a partner within their own group in Norway, if that is preferred. In most of the country groups, men were involved in trans-national marriages to a greater extent.

Three out of four Pakistanis married trans-nationally

Among Pakistanis in Norway, there appears to be a relatively strong preference to marry a person with the same background (table 1). Among Pakistani women, a total of 1,327 entered into marriage during 1996-2004. Of these marriages, 2 per cent involved a Norwegian man and 1 per cent a man with a different country background. In 22 per cent of the marriages, the husband was a Pakistani already living in Norway, while in 75 per cent of the marriages the husband was non-resident due to marriage.

If we look at the marriages of residential Pakistani men in the same period, there were more men than women who married. Of a total of 1,600 marriages, 3 per cent entered into a marriage with a Norwegian woman and 3 per cent married a woman with a different country background. Eighteen per cent entered into a marriage with a Pakistani woman living in Norway, while 76 per cent married a non-resident woman.

Both men and women with Pakistani backgrounds seem to prefer spouses with the same country background as themselves. Of the non-resident spouses, 52 per cent had Pakistani citizenship and 44 per cent were unknown. The majority of the unknown citizenship did propably have Pakistani citizenship; if it is not systematically differences in among those with not-known citizenship (see Daugstad, forthcoming).

Turks married Norwegians to greater extent

As with Pakistanis, Turks living in Norway appear to a large extent to marry persons with the same country background as themselves. However, there are more who find a spouse without an immigrant background. From 1996 to 2004, residential Turkish men entered into 934 marriages. Of these marriages, 10 per cent involved a Norwegian woman. Ten per cent married a woman with a Turkish background living in Norway, and 76 per cent married a non-resident woman.

Turkish women entered into marriage with Norwegian men in larger extend than Pakistani women did, during this period. From 1996 to 2004, 6 per cent of Turkish women married a Norwegian man. Seventy-seven per cent married a non-resident man. The proportion that married a non-resident spouse was 3 out of 4, both by residential Pakistani and Turkish men and women.

Many immigrants from Vietnam found each other in Norway

There were more Vietnamese men than women who entered into a marriage between 1996 and 2004. The majority of women found a Vietnamese spouse already resident in Norway due to marriage (55 per cent). Among Vietnamese men, 35 per cent did the same, while the majority (63 per cent) married a non-resident woman. Together with the immigrants with a background from Sri Lanka, immigrants with Vietnamese backgrounds enter into marriages with a person with the same country background as themselves already living in Norway due to marriage. As opposed to Pakistani and Turkish women, there are more women than men among Vietnamese immigrants who have found a Norwegian spouse (11 and 1 per cent respectively).

Immigrants from Chile have exogamic marriages

From 1996 to 2004, 3 out of 10 marriages among immigrants from Chile were with a person without an immigrant background. Chileans are the non-western group in our material where both men and women to the same extent (and to the largest extent) marry a person without an immigrant background. Chileans do not seem to marry persons with the same country background as themselves already living in Norway prior to the marriage, but 50 and 44 per cent respectively married a non- resident person

Many Iranian and Iraqi men married Norwegian women

More marriages were contracted between Iranian and Iraqi men and women without immigrant backgrounds, than the other Asian immigrant groups we have focused on in this paper. This is not surprising, considering the relatively large surplus of men among immigrants with Iraqi and Iranian backgrounds. From 1996 to 2004, 179 marriages were contracted between a resident Iraqi man and a Norwegian woman, which makes up 19 per cent of the marriages (table 1). Among Iranian men, 195 men entered into marriage with a Norwegian woman (17 per cent).

There is reason to believe that this pattern has different explanations, and that there are differences in pattern and “process” between Iraqis and Iranians. A similar large share of Iranian woman (19 per cent) entered into a marriage with a Norwegian man in the same period, whilst we do not see the same among Iraqi women. Iraqis are a group of refugees with a relatively short duration of residence in Norway (80 per cent have lived in Norway less than 10 years), and for these persons it might be a lack of single Iraqi women that causes them to marry Norwegian women. Iranians are a group with a longer time of residence in Norway (55 per cent have lived in Norway for 10 years or more), and which have had time to integrate with the Norwegian society. Compared to Pakistani and Turkish immigrants, who as a group also have a long time of residence in Norway, Iranians seem to have a different approach to marriage patterns.

Women from Philippines and Thailand have exogamic marriages

We find quite the opposite pattern of marriage from Pakistanis and Turks among resident Thai and Philippine women. Three out of four marriages that Thai women entered into between 1996 and 2004 were with a Norwegian man. Just 1 per cent married a man with a Thai background. Correspondingly, 65 per cent of Philippine women married a Norwegian man. A larger proportion of Philippine women married a man with the same country background (10 per cent).

It is important, however, to remember that the figures in table 1 only illustrate the immigrants who were already resident in Norway due to marriage. Thai women have in the same period been the largest non-resident group of women who entered into a marriage with a Norwegian man. From 1996 to 2004, a total of 3,000 non-resident women with Thai citizenship were involved in a marriage with a Norwegian man. The number has increased every year, and in 2004 there were 600 marriages of this kind. During the same period, 1,500 non-resident female Philippine citizens entered into a marriage with a Norwegian man. Thai and Philippine women are the largest groups of non-western immigrants who marry in Norway, and Thai women seem to have a much more cultivated pattern than the Philippine women.

Percentage settled persons with non-western backgrounds who married
during 1996-2004, by the spouses country background
 
Country background
Gender
Total The spouse's country background
Without
immigrant
       background
Same
country
       background
Other
country
       background
     Non-
       resident
 
Pakistan          
Women 1 600 3.3 18.4 2.6 75.8
Men 1 327 1.7 22.0 1.4 75.0
Vietnam          
Women 1 378 1.3 34.9 1.3 62.5
Men  868 11.3 55.2 4.0 29.5
Sri Lanka          
Women 1 197 4.2 35.7 1.8 58.4
Men  661 5.4 64.0 0.9 29.7
Iran          
Women 1 160 16.8 16.4 7.2 59.7
Men  505 19.4 36.8 11.7 32.1
Serbia & Montenegro               
Women  828 18.0 21.5 7.2 53.3
Men  489 10.8 35.2 8.2 45.8
Iraq          
Women  965 18.5 12.7 7.7 61.0
Men  290 3.8 42.8 4.5 49.0
Bosnia-Herzegovina          
Women  685 10.5 35.8 6.7 47.0
Men  569 11.2 42.9 8.1 37.8
Turkey          
Women  934 10.3 11.5 3.2 75.1
Men  729 6.4 14.5 2.7 76.3
Morocco          
Women  607 16.3 7.7 4.9 70.8
Men  282 10.3 17.0 6.4 66.3
Philippines          
Women  171 13.5 37.4 4.7 44.4
Men  685 65.3 9.6 7.2 18.0
Chile          
Women  432 29.9 13.4 6.7 50.0
Men  358 31.6 16.2 8.1 44.1
India          
Women  417 14.7 14.0 5.3 66.0
Men  316 14.6 20.9 7.9 56.6
Somalia          
Women  356 3.4 25.6 1.1 69.9
Men  258 7.0 34.9 5.4 52.7
China          
Women  220 10.5 18.6 8.6 62.3
Men  230 36.5 17.8 15.7 30.0
Thailand          
Women 49 20.4 12.2 6.1 61.2
Men  447 75.6 1.3 10.1 13.0
 

Few immediate descendants of an age where marriage is an issue

So far, we have looked at first-generation immigrants and their immediate descendants as a whole. Some will say that descendants who marry are involved in trans-national marriages to a greater extent than first-generation immigrants (HRS 2005 and 2006). Most descendants are still very young (86 per cent were under the age of 20 years by 1 January 2005), and few have already married. The largest number of descendants of a marrying age, have Pakistani, Turkish and Vietnamese backgrounds, but there are very few in other groups.

Marriage-pattern has to be regarded in close relation to the age people get married. Statistics show that immediate descendants marry at a later age than first-generation immigrants of the same age. Pakistani descendants are the largest group, but few have already married. Pakistani descendants, both men and women, seem to marry at an older age than first generation. Among Pakistani first generation, 50 per cent of women are married at age 21, for men, half are married at age 24. In comparison with the descendants, 50 per cent of women are married at age 25, and 27 among men.

If we compare Pakistani descendants with Turkish descendants, they are a smaller group and more of them have married at a young age. Half of first-generation women are married at 20, and men at 22. Among the female descendants, half are married at 21, and men at 25.

Vietnamese descendants have not yet married. By the beginning of 2005, only 4 per cent of descendants between the age of 20 and 29 years were married, compared to 38 per cent of the first-generation immigrants at the same age.

The general picture is that immediate descendants seem to postpone their marriage compared to first-generation immigrants. This indicates that marriage patterns are changing. Additionally, which spouses descendants have chosen cannot tell us anything about what spouses descendants will choose in the future when they reach an age where marriage is an issue. Those who have already married, did so at a young age, while the majority has chosen to delay marriage (for more detailed information, see Daugstad forthcoming and Lie 2004a).

Large differences in marriage patterns

As shown, there are large differences in marriage patterns in different groups of immigrants. There are an increasing number of marriages involving one or two persons with immigrant backgrounds, and each year there are more marriages between a man or woman without an immigrant background and a person with an immigrant background.

We have seen that western immigrants to a large extent choose a spouse without an immigrant background. Some non-western immigrants do also marry spouses without an immigrant background, but in other non-western groups the majority marry a spouse with the same country background as themselves. Many do also find a spouse that is non-resident prior to the marriage (trans-national marriage). In total, more than half of the 16 non-western groups we examined married trans-nationally between 1996 and 2004. The majority of the non-resident spouses had the same citizenship as the other spouse’s country background (see Daugstad, forthcoming).

There are large differences in the different immigrant groups. Some groups where the majority came as refugees, seem to marry a spouse with the same country background as themselves who is already living in Norway from 1996 to 2004. This pattern is found among persons with backgrounds from Sri Lanka, Vietnam and Somalia, but also Iraq and Iran. Persons with a Chilean background seem to follow this pattern to a lesser extent.

The non-western groups that originally came as labour immigrants, do marry trans-nationally to a greater extent. This pattern is found among some of the oldest immigrant groups such as Pakistanis, Turks and Moroccans, and to some extent Indians. Immigrants who have come as labour-immigrants can easily keep in touch with their own country of origin, compared to persons who have come as refugees. However, some groups with refugee backgrounds did also marry trans-nationally to a large extent from 1996 to 2004.

In some immigrant groups, the majority marry persons without an immigrant background. This was found among women with backgrounds from Thailand, Philippines and Russia. Compared to the other Asian immigrant groups, these women have a completely different marriage pattern, and the majority has come to Norway through marriage with a Norwegian man.

There are many different and complex processes that affect the marriage patterns in the immigrant population and the population as a whole. It is very important to bear in mind that it is individuals who marry each other, and not groups. The marriage patterns most of all show that we live in a society that is influenced by the fact that we live in a global world; people migrate and move for different reasons. People move due to war and political conflicts, due to work and education and due to love. People travel on holiday, for reasons of work or education, and many with immigrant backgrounds spend some time in their own or their parents’ country of origin. Many also find their spouse when they move or travel. Many immigrants have spent parts of their childhood or even life in a different country, and it might be quite understandable that they find a spouse with a similar background to themselves. Many might prefer a partner with the same religious and cultural values.

Trying to understand marriage patterns are rather complex, and this simple presentation has not given a complete understanding of which factors are influencing the choice of spouse. The statistics of marriages do not show the degree of love, arrangement or enforcement in the marriage. It just shows that two persons have married (see the discussion on arranged marriages among young Asians in Norway by Bredal 2006).


References (in Norwegian only)

Bredal, Anja (2006) ” Vi er jo en familie ”. Arrangerte ekteskap , autonomi og fellesskap blant unge norsk - asiater . Oslo: Unipax

Daugstad, Gunnlaug (forthcoming) Ekteskapsmønstre og familieinnvandring i det flerkulturelle Norge , Statistics Norway

Human Rights Service (2005) Innvandring gjennom ekteskap . HRS, R1/2005

Human Rights Service (2006) Ekteskapsmønster blant utvalgte innvandrergrupper i Norge . HRS N1/2006

Hylland Eriksen, Thomas (1993) Små steder - store spørsmål . Innføring i sosialantropologi . Universitetsforlaget, Oslo.

Lie, Benedicte (2004a): Ekteskapsmønstre i det flerkulturelle Norge , Rapporter 1/2004, Statistics Norway

Lie, Benedicte (2004b): Stadig flere søker lykken med utenlandske ektefeller . Samfunnsspeilet 3/2004, Statistics Norway

Lie, Benedicte (2004c): Store forskjeller i ekteskapsmønsteret blant innvandrere i Norge . Samfunnsspeilet 3/2004, Statistics Norway

NOU (2004) Norges offentlige utredninger 2004:20: Ny utlendingslov

Raja, Abid Q (2005) Arrangerte ekteskap er ikke tvang. Kronikk i Aftenposten 25.05.2005.

Storhaug, Hege (2003) Feminin integrering - utfordringer i et fleretnisk samfunn, Human Rights Service

Wikan, Unni (2005) Vold i ærens navn. Kronikk i Aftenposten 28.05.2005.

østby, Lars (2004): Innvandrere i Norge - Hvem er de og hvordan går det med dem ? Del I Demografi . Notat 2004/66, Statistics Norway

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